በሽታ የመከላከል ስርዓታችንን በማጠናከር በቀላሉ ለተለያዩ በሽታዎች እንዳንጋለጥ ማድረግ ይችላል ይላሉ ባለሙያዎች። ቀጥሎ የተዘረዘሩ ተግባራትም የሰውነታችንን በሽታ የመከላከል ስርዓት ለማጠናከር የሚያግዙ ናቸው ብለዋል ተመራማሪዎች።

1. የአካል ብቃት እንቅስቃሴዎችን መስራት

የአካል ብቃት እንቅስቃሴ ሰውነታችንን ከማጠንከር በዘለለ ለጤናችን በርካታ ጠቀሜታዎችን አንደሚሰጥ ይታወቃል። በተለይም የአካል ብቃት እንቅስቃሴን አዘውትሮ መስራት ከአየር ፀባይ መለዋወጥ ጋር ተያይዞ የሚከሰቱ እንደ ጉንፋን እና ኢንፌክሽን ላሉ በሽታዎች እንዳንጋለጥ በማድረጉ በኩል ውጤታማነቱ ከፍተኛ ነው። ይህ የሚሆነው ደግሞ የአካል ብቃት እንቅስቃሴን በምናከናውንበት ጊዜ የነጭ ደም ህዋሳችን በሰውነታችን ውስጥ በፍጥነት እንዲዘዋወር ስለሚያደርግ ነው። በተጨማሪም የበሽታ ስሜት በሚሰማን ጊዜም ቀለል ያሉ የአካል ብቃት እንቅስቃሴዎችን ማከናወን ጤንነታችንን ለመጠበቅ ያለው ጠቀሜታ ከፍተኛ መሆኑም ይነገራል።

2. ነጭ ሽንኩርት፣ እንጉዳይ እና የተለያዩ ቅመማ ቅመሞችን መመገብ

ነጭ ሽንኩርት፣ እንጉዳይ እና የተለያዩ ቅመማ ቅመሞችን በእለት ተእለት ምግባችን ውስጥ በማካተት አዘውትሮ መመገብ የሰውነታችን በሽታን የመከላከል ስርዓት ከፍተኛ አቅም እንዲኖረው ያደርጋል። እንደ እርድ እና ሚጥሚጣ ያሉ የምግብ ማጣፈጫ ቅመሞች ከማጣፈጫነታቸው በዘለለ ከጥንት ጊዜ ጀምሮ ለህክምና ተግባራት እንደሚውሉ ይታወቃል። እንዲሁም እንደ ነጭ ሽንኩርት እና እንጉዳይ ያሉ ምግቦችም ለሰው ልጅ ጤና በርካታ ጠቀሜታዎችን እንደሚሰጡ እሙን ነው። በፍሎሪዳ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የተሰራ ጥናት እንዳመለከተውም በምግብ መልክ ተዘጋጅቶ የተሰራ እንጉዳይን በየእለቱ መመገብ የሰውነታችንን በሽታ የመከላከል ርስዓት አቅምን ለማዳበር እንደሚረዳ ያሳያል። ነጭ ሽንኩርትም ቢሆን በውስጡ በያዘው ከፍተኛ ጠቀሚ ንጥረ ነገሮች አማካኝነት የሰውነታችንን በሽታ የመከላከል ስርዓት ለማጠናከር አይነተኛ አማራጭ ነው።

3. በቂ እንቅልፍ መተኛት

የዓለም ጤና ድርጅት መረጃ እንደሚያሳየው በዓለማችን ላይ በአዋቂ የእድሜ ክልል ላይ ካሉ ሰዎች ውስጥ ሁለት ሶስተኛው በቂ እንቅፍ አይተኙም። በቂ እንቅልፍ አለመተኛት አጠቃላይ ጤናችን ላይ ከፍተኛ ተፅእኖ እንደሚያመጣ እሙን ነው።

እንደ ድርጅቱ ገለፃ አንድ ሰው በቂ እንቅልፍ ለማግኘት በቀን በአማካኝ ለ8 ሰዓታት መተኛት ይኖርበታል። ስለዚህ በቀላሉ ለበሽታዎች ላለመጋለጥ በቂ እንቅለፍ መተኛታችንን ልብ ልንለው ይገባል።

4. ውሃ አብዝቶ መጠጣት

ውሃን አብዝቶ መጠጣት የሰውነታችን በሽታን የመከላከል ስርዓት እንዲጠንክር ያደርጋል የተባለ ሲሆን፥ በተለይም ኩላሊታችን መርዛማ ነገሮችን አጥቦ ከሰውነታችን ወስጥ እንዲያስወግድ ይረዳል።

ምንጭ፦ www.independent.co.uk

The post Remedies to boost immunity (በሽታ የመከላከል ስርዓት ማጠናከሪያ ዘዴዎች) appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

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The executive committee of EPRDF’s which had 36 members held its regular meeting today June 5, 2018. In there first day meeting, they release a statement which states  on major shift in the economic policy and politics (Ethio-Eritrea border dispute). Here is the link of the full news:

The post #Ethiopia: ETV news- A statement released after the first day meeting by #EPRDF: June5, 2018 appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

(AFP): Ethiopia’s move to open its markets has been hailed as a seismic policy shift, but analysts say the new government had little choice after years of tight control took their toll on the economy.

Ethiopia boasts Africa’s fastest-growing economy and a slew of new, ambitious infrastructure projects — but beneath this jewelled facade are problems.

Despite the heady growth, the economy is showing signs of slowing at a critical time. Just when the country is facing a demographic crunch, dollars have become scarce, debt is unsustainable and sectors that are booming elsewhere in Africa are moribund.

This, say analysts, is what pushed the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to announce Tuesday it will allow foreigners to take minority shares in some of its biggest state-owned industries, among them the country’s sole telecom company and Ethiopian Airlines.

It also announced plans to privatise a swathe of industries, from railroads to factories to industrial parks.

“This is potentially a massive change, yes, but it is a change made by necessity,” said Aly-Khan Satchu, an independent economic analyst based in Nairobi.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed “understands Ethiopia has their backs against the wall because the model where the government is the main borrower, guarantor and investor does not work anymore.”

The EPRDF put the Ethiopian state at the centre of its plans to rebuild the country after 16 years of civil war that ended in 1991 when they removed the communist Derg regime from power.

Ethiopia’s growth has largely been driven by Chinese investment and loans.

Though it remains one of Africa’s poorest nations, the EPRDF has guided Ethiopia through a decade of double-digit growth.

This year the International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicts its economy will expand by 8.5 percent — the fastest in the continent.

Yet this is a drop from 2017’s rate of 10.9 percent — a dip largely attributed to recent political turmoil.

– Limits of state control –

Abiy came to power in April after the shock resignation of his predecessor Hailemariam Desalegn following years of unprecedented anti-government protests.

The unrest served as a wake-up call to the administration that its economic policies hadn’t delivered jobs or benefited the youth.

More than 41 percent of the country’s population of 100 million is under 15, said the United Nations, while the African Development Bank (ADB) estimates as many as a third of young people in cities have no job.

Ahmed Salim of geopolitical risk advisory firm Teneo Intelligence says the state-centred approach had reached its limits.

“The economic growth story Ethiopia has enjoyed hasn’t been equally distributed around the country,” Salim said.

“The Ethiopian model has been remarkable and it’s worked, but now, it’s just not enough.

“With a country of 100 million people, the public sector is just not able to cope with that” level of unemployment, Salim said.

The liberalisation was announced after a meeting of the top 36 officials in the EPRDF, a one-time Marxist group that wields total control over Ethiopia.

Coming on the same day parliament cut short a nationwide state of emergency, the move was hailed as a sign Abiy is committed to reforms.

The government currently owns most of Ethiopia’s major industries, and foreign businesses are kept out of the banking and retail sectors, a drastic departure from other rapidly-growing African economies like Ghana and Kenya who have welcomed foreign brands.

With the new policy, Salim says he expects foreigners to take interest in the sole telecom Ethio Telecom, along with the agriculture, energy and brewery sectors, where foreigners are already allowed but which may see increased inflows from once-hesitant companies reassured by Abiy’s new approach.

– Will they come? –

Charlie Robertson, global chief economist at investment bank Renaissance Capital, said many prospective investors in Ethiopia may still be turned off by the tough business climate and economy.

Ethiopia, which the World Bank ranks in 161st place globally in ease of doing business, has no stock market, few mechanisms for repatriating profits abroad and last year banned foreigners from personally owning cars.

“Heavy government involvement, a deep suspicion of capitalism, a belief that the government knows best” all may scare away investors, Robertson said, adding that he believes the currency remains overvalued despite a 15 percent devaluation last October.

“Now, the main question will be to see if Abiy is able to back up his promises,” said Satchu.

The post Easing control of Ethiopia economy a ‘necessity’: analysts appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

እነዚህ ምልክቶች ሰዎች በቀላሉ ሊያልፏቸው የማይገቡ እና ጤና ላይ ቸግር እንዳለ የሚያሳዩ ምልክቶች ናቸው። በመሆኑ በዝርዝር የቀረቡት ጉዳዮች በቀላሉ የማይታለፉ የጤና እክሎች በመሆናቸው ምልክቶቹ ሲታዩ ወደ ህክምና ተቋማት ማምረት ያስፈልጋል ተብሏል።

1.በእጅና እግር ላይ የሚከሰት የድካም ስሜት 

ሰዎች የጤና እክል እንዳጋጠማቸው ከሚያሳዩ ምልክቶች መካከል በእጅ ፣እግር እና ፊት ላይ የሚከሰት የድካም ስሜት ነው።

በእነዚህ የአካል ክፍሎች የሚከሰተው የድካም ስሜት ሰዎች ለስትሮክ መጋለጣቸውን የሚያሳይ ምልክት ሊሆን ይችላል።

ይህ ምልክት በአንደኛው የሰውነት ክፍል ሊያጋጥም የሚችለውን ስትሮክ የሚያሳይ ነው ተብሏል።

እንዲሁም የእራስን ሚዛን መቆጣጠር አለመቻል፣ ማዞር እና በአግባቡ መራመድ አለማቻል የስትሮክ ምልክት እንደሆነ ተጠቁሟል።

በመሆኑም ሰዎች በአካላቸው ላይ እንደዚህ አይነት ምልክትን ሲታዘቡ ፈጥነው ወደ ህክምና ተቋም ማምራት ይጠበቅባቸዋል።

2.በደረት ላይ የህመም ስሜት ሲኖር

የህክምና ባለሙያዎች እንደሚናገሩተ የደረት ህመም በእንቅስቃሴና ንቁ በሆኑ ጊዜና ወቅት የሚከሰት ከሆነ ለልብ በሽታ፣ ልብ ድካም እና ለሌሎች ተያያዥ የልብ

ችግሮች ምልክት ስለሆነ ትኩረት መስጠት ያስፈልጋል።

ደረት ላይ የመክበድና የመወጣጠር ስሜት ከተወሰኑ ዲቂቃዎች ኋላ የሚጥል ከሆነ የህክምና እርዳታ ማግኘት ይጠበቅባቸዋል ተብሏል።

3.ባት ላይ ያለ የህመም ስሜት

ሰዎች ለጤናቸው ትኩረት መስጠት እንዳለባቸው እና ጤናቸው እክል እንዳጋጠመው ከሚጠቁሙ ምልክቶች መካከል ባት ላይ የሚከሰት ህመም አንዱ ነው።

ይህ ባት ላይ የሚከሰት ህመም በእግር ላይ የደም መርጋት እንዲከሰት የሚያሳይ እንደሆነ ተገልጿል።

የባት ህመም የሚከሰተው ረጅም ሰዓት በመቀመጥ ፣ በህመም ምክንያት ለረጅም ጊዜ በመተኛት እና በተለያዩ ምክንያቶች እንደሚከሰት ተጠቁሟል ።

ሰዎች ሲራመዱ አና ሲቆሙ የህመመ ስሜት የሚሰማቸው ከሆነ ችግሩ የደም መርጋት ነው ተብሏል።

4. ደም የተቀላቀለበት ሽንት

የተለያዩ ምክንያቶች የሰዎች ሽንት ደም የተቀላቀለበተ እንደሚሆን ባለሙያዎች ይናገራሉ።

የሰዎች ሽንት ደም የተቀላቀለበት ሲሆን፥ በውስጥ የሰውነት ክፍላቸው እና በጀርባቸው የህመም ስሜት ይፈጠራል።

ከዚህ ባለፈ ችግሩ የኩላሊት ጠጠር በሰውነት እንደተከሰተ የሚያሳይ ነው ተብሏል።

እነዚህ የኩላሊት ጠጠሮች ሰዎች በሚሸኑበት ወቅት በሰውነት ላይ የሚዘዋወር በመሆኑ ከፍተኛ የህመም ስሜትን ይፈጥራል።

ይህ ደም የተቀላቀለበተ ሽንት ሰዎች በተደጋጋሚ ወደ መፀዳጃ ቤት እንዲመላለሱ የሚያደርግ መሆኑ የተጠቆመ ሲሆን፥ የዚህ አይነት ችግር ሲያጋጥም ጊዜ ሳይወስዱ ወደ ህክምና ተቅቋም መሄድ ያስፈልጋል።

5.የአተነፋፈስ ችግር

የአተነፋፈስ ችግር በህክምና በቀላሉ ማከም የሚቻል እንደሆነ ነው የሚገረው በመሆኑም ሰዎች በሚተነፍሱበት ወቅት ድምፅ የሚያወጡ ከሆነ ወደ ህክምና ተቋማት ማምራት ይጠበቅባቸዋለ።

ይህን የአተነፋፈስ ችግር በቀላሉ እና በፍጥነት ካልተቀረፈ ጉዳቱ ክፍተኛ ሊሆን ይችላል ተብሏል።

6 እራስ ለማጥፋት ማሰብ

ሰዎች በህይወታቸው ተስፋ ሲቆርጡ እና ለመኖር ምንም ምክንያት እንደሌላቸው ማሰብ ከጀመሩ በፍጥነት ይህን የአመለካከት ችግራቸውን መቅረፍ እንዲችሉ ስነ ልቦና ባለሙያዎችን እንዲያገኙ ይመከራል።

ምንጭ፥ Fana

The post Signs & Symptoms which tells about your Health problem(ጤና ላይ ችግር እንዳለ የሚያሳዩ ምልክቶች) appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

Yegna is an Ethiopian acting and five-piece girl group, originating in Addis Ababa. The group debuted in late 2013 due to their singles “Abet” and “Taitu”, which deals about the supremacy of women in Ethiopia. here is new music video released by the group:

The post Endegna (Yegna) – Leman Biye (Ethiopian music video) appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

The Carlos Rosario International Public Charter School is an award-winning, nationally-recognized school dedicated to serving the diverse immigrant communities of Washington, DC.  As the first adult education charter school in the United States, the school provides education, career training and support services to the District’s diverse immigrant populations. Over the past 45 years, thousands of students have graduated from the School. Among the immigrants, Ethiopian immigrants are the large representation among the school’s student body to get language and other short term training in the school.

Yeshimebeth T Belay, known as Mama Tutu, is an Ethiopian community leader and entrepreneur. In 1993, she founded the Ethiopian Yellow Pages, Inc., a pioneer information network for the Ethiopian community in the Washington, DC area.                                                                          Mama Tutu has a Bachelor of Arts in Business Management from Southern University (Baton Rouge, LA), and an MBA with focus in Marketing from Strayer University (Alexandria, VA). She is involved in many community efforts such as serving on the board of Shaw Main Streets, who aims to restore the diverse and historic environment of Shaw’s 7th and 9th Street commercial corridors. Additionally, she is President of the Ethiopian Chamber of Commerce; President of the 9th Street Business Association; Founder of the Ethiopian Expo; Founder’s Committee Member of the Greater U Street Area Business Improvement District (BID).

Furthermore, Mama Tutu’s work has received recognition from several organizations including DC Government. On December 2014, the DC Council instituted a ceremonial resolution to designate December 26, 2014 as “Yeshimeth Mama Tutu Belay Day” in the District of Columbia. Additionally, in 2007, the DC Council Designated September 15 of that year as the “Ethiopian Yellow Pages Day” in the District of Columbia.

Mama Tutu has received awards such as the Shaw Star Award (2014) and Woman of the Year Award from the Women’s Association of DC (2004). Her personal achievements have also been noted as a role model through the book “Making It in America: Conversations with Successful Ethiopian American Entrepreneurs” (Hagos, 2004). And also through many letters of recognition from notable figures such as First Lady Michelle Obama, Mayor Vincent C Gray, Mayor Adrian Fenty, Governor Timothy M. Kaine, Governor Martin O’Malley, Senator John Warner.

Having such huge experience and qualification the Carlos Rosario International Public Charter School board of trustees selected Mama Tutu to be member of the board as of May 16, 2018.  The Carlos Rosario International Public Charter School Board is comprised of 11 members who work alongside CEO, Allison R. Kokkoros, in resource development and fiscal oversight and serve as ambassadors of the School.

Bawza newspaper management and  staffs wants to congratulate Mamu tutu for this position.

The post The Carlos Rosario International Public Charter School in Washington DC appointed Ms. Yeshimebeth T. Belay as a member of Board of Trustees appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

(The London press): Nobody outside the ruling party knows much about Abiy Ahmed beyond his official party biography, but Ethiopia’s new prime minister looks a lot like Magic Man. Three years of mounting protests have suddenly stopped, the state of emergency has been lifted, and with a single dramatic announcement he has ended 20 years of hot and cold war with neighbouring Eritrea.

He did that on Tuesday by declaring (as only the leader of a tough authoritarian regime can) that Ethiopia now accepts the 2002 ruling of an international border commission and will pull its troops out of Badme, the market town at the centre of the quarrel with Eritrea.

At least 80,000 soldiers and civilians were killed in the hot war (1998-2000), and several million soldiers wasted years of their lives on the border during the long cold war (which briefly went hot as recently as 2016). But Abiy has ended all that with a wave of his hand.

Abiy belongs to the Oromo ethnic group, the biggest in the country, but he is the first Oromo in Ethiopia’s history to lead the government.

The growing protests of the past three years were strongest in Oromia, because the people there felt marginalized politically, culturally and economically. Hundreds of people have been killed in the demonstrations, so the solutions of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was to put an Oromo in charge, but one who has spent his whole adult life serving the EPRDF.

He has been given power to deal with some of the biggest grievances of the population because he is trusted not to let power slip away from the EPRDF. Maybe his appointment as prime minister will calm things down, but don’t mistake it for the start of a democratic transition.

Ethiopia is the only one of sub-Saharan Africa’s three economic giants that is not democratic. Unlike South Africa and Nigeria, it has a single ruling party.

The EPRDF is a permanent coalition of four parties representing the four biggest ethnic groups (Oromo, Amhara, Tigrinya and Somali), but all are part of a highly disciplined whole that has an almost Soviet ruling style. It is not encumbered by Communist or even socialist ideological obsessions, but elections are no more meaningful than the old Soviet ones were.

During the past decade, this hard-line approach has delivered an annual average of 10 per cent economic growth in Ethiopia, far higher than in South Africa or Nigeria. And while there is serious friction between the various Ethiopian ethnic groups that make up the EPRDF, it is not significantly worse than the ethnic rivalries that plague the politics of the two big democracies.

It’s hardly surprising, therefore, that some people wonder whether Ethiopia’s model is better for African countries. People do end up in jail or in exile for opposing the regime, or disappear, but not all that many, and the system is delivering the goods economically.

In the short run, authoritarian politics often produces better results than democracy. Orders are given and obeyed, and things get done. But during the long run, opposition builds up, and there is no democratic safety valve to let off the steam.

When the dam finally bursts, you can lose a lot.

The EPRDF will not last forever, because no system of that sort ever does, and when it goes it could be with an almighty crash. That may not happen for a long time, but Abiy is probably not Magic Man.

The post Dyer: Spell will not last for Ethiopia’s Magic Man appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

Prime minister dr. Abiy ahmed met high military officials including the chief of staff General Samora Yenus and security advisor Abadula Gemeda before they get retired few days back. In his presentation he briefed military the military officials the current political condition in the country and in the world at large. Here is part one of his presentation presented by Oromo broadcasting network:

The post Ethiopia: PM Dr. Abiy Ahmed full presentation video to High military officials Part 1: June 9, 2018 appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

የኢትዮጵያ የብድር ጫና ከፍተኛ ወደሚባል ደረጃ መሄዱና ሀገር ውስጥ ለሚገቡ ምርቶች የውጭ ምንዛሪ እጥረት መከሰቱ መንግስትን የልማት ድርጅቶችን በአክስዮን ለመሸጥ እንዳስወሰነው የብሄራዊ የፕላን ኮሚሽን ተናገረ።

ባለፈው ሳምንት የኢህአዴግ ስራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ ባደረገው ስብሰባ በሀገሪቱ ባልተለመደ ሁኔታ የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲ ለውጦችን የሚያመጡ ውሳኔዎች ላይ ደርሷል።

በመንግስት እጅ ያሉ ሆቴሎች፣ የባቡር፣ የስኳር ልማት፣ የኢንዱስትሪ ፓርክ እና የተለያዩ የማምረቻ ኢንዱስትሪዎች፥ በከፊል ወይም ሙሉ በሙሉ በአክስዮን ሽያጭ ወደ ግል ዘርፍ እንዲተላለፉ ውሳኔ አሳልፏል።

ኢትዮ ቴሌኮም፣ የኢትዮጵያ አየር መንገድ፣ የኤሌክትሪክ ሀይል ማመንጫዎች እና የባህር ትራንስፖርትና ሎጂስቲክስ ድርጅት ትልቁን ድርሻ መንግስት ይዞ ቀሪው አክስዮን ለሀገር ውስጥና ለውጭ ባለሀብቶች እንዲተላለፍም ወስኗል።

የብሄራዊ የፕላን ኮሚሽን ኮሚሽነር ዶክተር ይናገር ደሴ እንደሚሉት፥ የሃገሪቱ ኢኮኖሚ በወጭ ንግድ መዳከምና በውጭ ምንዛሪ እጥረት ሳቢያ አደጋ ውስጥ መግባቱ ለውሳኔው ምክንያት ሆኗል።

ባለፉት ጥቂት አመታት ወደ ውጭ ከተላኩ ምርቶች የሚገኘው ገቢ በአማካይ ሶስት ቢሊየን የአሜሪካ ዶላር ላይ ሲቆም፥ ከውጭ ምርቶችን ለማስገባት የሚወጣው የውጭ ምንዛሪ ደግሞ 16 እና 17 ቢሊየን ዶላር ደርሷል።

ከውጭ ለሚገቡ ምርቶች ሙሉ ለሙሉ የሚገኘው የውጭ ምንዛሪ ከተላኩት ምርቶች የማይገኝ መሆኑም፥ ኢኮኖሚውን ጤነኛ አላደረገውም፤ ይህ ደግሞ ሀገሪቱን የእዳ ጫና ውስጥ ጨምሯታል።

ለስራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴው ውሳኔ መነሻ የሆኑ ሃሳቦች

የእዳ ጫና፦ የአለም አቀፉ የገንዘብ ተቋም (አይ ኤም ኤፍ) የኢትዮጵያ የብድር ጫና ከመካከለኛ ወደ ከፍተኛ የብድር ጫና እንደገባና፥ የብድር ምጣኔዋም የአጠቃላይ አመታዊ ምርቷን 59 በመቶ መያዙን ይገልጻል።

ሆኖም የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ሀገሪቱ የብድር ደረጃዋ ከከፍተኛዎቹ ይመደባል የሚለውን ሳይቀበል ቆይቷል።

የብሄራዊ የፕላን ኮሚሽነሩ ዶክተር ይናገር ግን ሀገሪቱ አሁን ላይ ወደ ከፍተኛ የብድር ጫና ውስጥ እየገባች መሆኑን ይገልጻሉ።

በዚህ ምክንያትና ኢኮኖሚውን ማንቀሳቀሻ ተጨማሪ የውጭ ምንዛሪ ስለሚያስፈልግም ውሳኔው መተላለፉን ገልጸዋል።

ዶክተር ይናገር ለአሁኑ የውሳኔ አስፈላጊነት ጥቂት ቁጥሮችን በማሳያነት ያስቀምጣሉ፤ የሀገሪቱ አጠቃላይ እዳ 26 ቢሊየን የአሜሪካ ዶላር ተሻግሯል።

ይህ ሁኔታ ከሀገሪቱ አጠቃላይ ምርት ጋር ሲታይ አንድም የውጭ ባለሀብቶችን እንዳይመጡ ያደርጋል፥ በሌላ በኩል የባለሀብት መተማመንን ያጠፋል።

የውጭ ምንዛሪ እጥረት፦ በሌላ በኩል ሀገሪቱ ለቀጣይ ሁለት አመታት ብድር ለመክፈል ስድስት ቢሊየን እንዲሁም፥ የመንግስት ፕሮጀክቶችን ለሁለት አመታት ለማከናወን ደግሞ ሰባት ቢሊየን የአሜሪካ ዶላር ያስፈልጋታል።

ይህ በመንግስት በኩል የሚፈለግ ሲሆን እንደ ነዳጅና ሌሎች የፍጆታ ሸቀጦችን ማስገቢያና የሁሉም ዘርፍ ሲታይ ደግሞ የሚያስፈልገውን የውጭ ምንዛሪ ፍላጎት እጅጉን ከፍ ያደርገዋል።

እንደ ስኳር ላሉ ፕሮጀክቶች የተወሰደው ብድር ደግሞ ወደ ምርት ሳይገባ እዳ መክፈያው ጊዜ ደርሷል፤ ኮሚሽነሩም እነዚህ ምክንያቶች ተደማምረው የፈጠሩት ችግር ለውሳኔው ምክንያት መሆኑን ገልጸዋል።

ዶክተር ይናገር እንደሚሉት ኢትዮጵያ የውጭ ምንዛሪ ክምችቷን በሚፈለገው ደረጃ ለማስቀጠል ጥረት አድርጋ ቢሳካላትም አሁን ላይ ግን መንገዳገድ ውስጥ በመገባቱ እርምጃው አስፈልጓል።

ሀገሪቱ እዚህ እጥረት ውስጥ የገባችው በግብርና እና ኢንዱስትሪው ዘርፍ ላይ የታሰበው ባለመሳካቱ መሆኑን ያነሱት ኮሚሽነሩ፥ እነዚህን ለማስተካከል የረጅም ጊዜ አቅጣጫ ተቀምጧልም ነው ያሉት።

የአሁኑ እርምጃም የአጭር ጊዜ መሆኑን የጠቀሱት ኮሚሽነሩ፥ ኢኮኖሚው በቀጣይ አመታት በወጭ ንግድ አፈጻጸም ታግዞ እንዲቀጥል በተለይም ግብርናውን እና አምራች ኢንዱስትሪውን ለመደገፍና ለውጥ እንዲመጣ አቅጣጫ ተቀምጧል ብለዋል።

ላለፉት አመታት በጥሩ ሁኔታ የመጣውን የሀገሪቱን ኢኮኖሚ በውጭ ምንዛሪ እጥረት ምክንያት ውድቀት ውስጥ እንዳይገባም የአሁኑ ፕራይቬታይዜሽን እንደ መፍትሄ መቀመጡንም አንስተዋል።

Source: FBC

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Forum 65 is the 65Percent.org discussion forum. They held discussions on current events from a National Reconciliation and Consensus perspective.

The post Forum 65: Discussion with Alula solomon and Isreal Gedebu appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

The creepy ways Facebook spies on its users have been detailed in a bumper document presented to Congress. They include tracking mouse movements, logging battery levels and monitoring devices close to a user that are on the same network. The 454-page report was created in response to questions Mark Zuckerberg was asked during his appearance before Congress in April. Lawmakers gave Zuckerberg a public grilling over the Cambridge Analytica scandal, but he failed to answer many of their queries.  The new report is Facebook’s attempt to address their questions, although it sheds little new light on the Cambridge Analytica scandal.

However, it does contain multiple disclosures about the way Facebook collects data. Some are unsurprising, such as the time people spend on Facebook, while others may come as a shock to the majority of users.  Here are 18 of the things facebook knows about you:

1. ‘Device information’ from ‘computers, phones, connected TVs, and other web-connected devices,’ as well as your ‘internet service provider or mobile operator’

2. ‘Mouse movements’, which can help distinguish humans from bots

3. ‘App and file names’, including the types of files on your devices

4. ‘Device operations’ such as whether a window running Facebook is ‘foregrounded or backgrounded’

5. ‘Device signals’, including ‘nearby Wi-Fi access points, beacons, and cell towers’ and ‘signal strength’ as well as Bluetooth signals

6. ‘Other devices that are nearby or on their network’

7. ‘Battery level’

8. ‘Available storage space’

9. ‘Plugins’ installed

10. ‘Connection speed’

11. ‘Purchases’ Facebook users make on third-party websites

12. Contact information ‘such as an address book’ and ‘call log or SMS log history’ for Android users with these settings synced

13. Information ‘about how users use features like our camera’

14. The ‘location of a photo or the date a file was created’ through the file’s metadata

15. ‘GPS location, camera, or photo’ information found through your device’s settings

16. Purchases from third-party data providers as well as other information about your ‘online and offline actions’

17. ‘Device IDs, and other identifiers, such as from games, apps or accounts users use’

18. ‘When others share or comment on a photo of them, send a message to them, or upload, sync or import their contact information’ text

Source: Daily mail

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(Addis standard): Since the Neway Brothers’ attempted coup d’etat of 1960, generations of Ethiopians have fought and died for the ideals of a democratic republic where the rights, dignity and equality of citizens are respected and protected by law. Though the struggle waged for nearly six decades brought about notable progress, at least in raising popular consciousness about the importance of popular participation in self-governance,  a democratically elected government remains an elusive goal. In the last two dozen years, the rhetoric of democracy has reigned supreme in Ethiopia, but democratic participation has never been more diminished. Under the rule of Ethiopian People’s’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), authoritarianism was peddled as a democracy of a revolutionary variant. For so long, EPRDF regarded Ethiopians as unqualified for a participatory democracy because it insisted its priority was to lift millions out of poverty under a developmental state.

However, the nonviolent resistance of the last four years has obliterated the status quo, forcing the regime to embrace reform rather than stick to the gun. The advent of change that once seemed unimaginable has given way to a renewed hope, even to a euphoric anticipation, about the possibility of democratizing Ethiopia at long last. In fact, in some corners, the ruling party’s decision to semi-liberalize the political sphere and the new prime minister’s adoption of the narratives of the political opposition and the human rights community, has led many to the conclusion that  the country has already been democratized. While I myself remain cautiously optimistic about a democratic transition, I feel obliged to ring the alarm bell that the road to the long-sought democratic order is fraught with danger.

Let me start with what has gone right so far. First, the people stopped waiting for the political class (i.e. vanguard liberation fronts and fractured opposition parties) and took on the regime. Next, the masses  stopped viewing guns as the only means of forcing change and adopted nonviolent resistance methods. This resulted in a massive public mobilization that was further facilitated with the expansion of social media use. The mass mobilization and leveraging of alternative methods of weakening the ruling party’s tools of repression produced a sustained social movement that it could not neutralize. In the end, the movement moved into the ruling party apparatus and the corridors of power and resulted in the emergence of reformists from within.

Second, in the ensuing internal fighting and debate between the reformists and the hardliners, under intense pressure and growing imminence of the regime’s downfall, the reformists gained the upper hand. During EPRDF’s Executive Committee meeting in December 2017, both sides reached a negotiated deal to try to conduct a tactical retreat and rely on a softer approach to managing the crisis. In other words, both sides chose to defuse the tension by making significant concessions to the protesters rather than stick to the failed securitization approach.  The resulting opening or liberalization of the political sphere, evinced with the release of political leaders, the conciliatory rhetoric of the new prime minister, and repeal of the state of emergency, has resuscitated hope to the possibility  of democratic transition through negotiation (transplacement) rather than a complete overthrow of the authoritarian regime.

In Ethiopia today, the “rule of the gun” has been rendered useless by the tactics of civil resistance and de-legitimized by  reformist leadership of the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO). While the semi-liberalization of the political sphere that we are witnessing could be the beginning of a transition to democracy, if not approached strategically and methodically, it could open the door for a return of authoritarianism followed by a much bigger danger.

In general , people obey an authoritarian regime out of fear of the state’s possession of coercive force. In other words, they are governed by the “rule of guns” and not the rule of law. In a democracy, people obey the government out of respect for the law. That means, in a democracy, the rule of law produces obedience. Liberalization of the political sphere means loosening of the rules and mechanisms of repression. These rules and mechanisms of repression need to be quickly replaced by those of democratization. Otherwise, as repressive rules and forces relax, beneath the euphoria of new-found freedoms lurks potential anarchy.  For instance, previously the police maintained law and order by using guns and other forms of violence against dissenting forces. With liberalization, the people no longer expect or accept the “rule of guns” and the police lose the guidance and courage to either continue enforcing the authoritarian rules or experimenting with democratic rule of law. Hence once the state gives the signal to the public that the days of “rule of guns” is over, it must be immediately replaced with rule of law to avoid the vacuum that would lead to confusion, frustration and lawlessness.

This phenomenon is apparently beginning to emerge in Ethiopia. Confusion is spreading among security forces and the public. A security vacuum is being created. If the lurking anarchy increases, the very people who rebelled against authoritarian rules and forced its liberalization will start to have doubts about their new-found freedom. Remember people usually want freedom and security in combination,  If they have to choose between security and freedom, they tend to vote  for sacrificing freedom to regain security.  We are already starting to witness the early stages of anarchy. In much of Oromia, the lower level administrative apparatus is paralyzed and replaced by organized youth.  In cities such as Ambo, Waliso, Nekemte, and Adama, there are reports of armed robbery and a spike in the murder rate. It is important to point out that the crime rate remained very low in these cities, even during the height of the protests.

Police officers have begun to disappear from the streets during the night and may even join in on the crime business. With the high profile murder of Dangote cement’s country manager, the business community whose confidence was only recently returning after the protests, is now back to witnessing the deteriorating security with high alarm. In the east in Ethiopia’s Somali regional state, the president, Abdi Illey, has renewed his horrific border conflict.   Elsewhere in Oromia and other regions communal violence and displacement is being reported. Just in the last few days alone, clashes were reported in Hawassa, Walkite, Harar, Mandi, and Chinaksan. The unusual broad daylight bank robbery in the busting quarter of Bole in Finfinne (Addis Abeba) also indicates where things are heading. The new reformist leaders are pointing fingers at the deep state hardliners, accusing them of being behind the growing insecurity. Evidences also point in that direction.  Actions have been taken against the high profile men of the deep state to pacify their threats.  Unless legal and participatory measures are taken to get rid of rule of repression and quickly replace it with rule of law that can be enforced legitimately, the security situation is likely to further deteriorate.

To make things worse, the economy is in a free fall as a result of the tactics of the civil resistance, which centered around paralyzing the economic pillar of the regime, and also due to manipulation by the TPLF oligarchy flexing its muscle to derail the ongoing change that they perceived as a potential threat to their domination. The deteriorating security situation and deepening economic crisis combined could  shape the current perceived liberalization into widespread lawlessness, hopelessness and desperation.

At this juncture, the reformists have three choices:

The first option is to return to authoritarian rule and use force to restore order in towns and villages, and also  intervene in the economy forcefully to correct the market distortion created by the oligarchy. The downside to that is, in the process, they will become the new dictators, something that should never happen.

The second option is to watch as the situation spiral out of control and risk getting toppled by the hardliners, who may garner the backing of the insecure public. Again, this too should be dismissed outright.

The third option, the desirable course of action, is to quickly and firmly replace the “rule of guns” with rule of law. That is  to embark on a fast-track  transition to democracy.

How would rapidly transitioning to democracy help avoid further political crisis? As mentioned above, in an authoritarian system, order is ensured because people fear the rule of guns. In contrast, in a democracy, order is a result of citizen’s respect for the law. For people to respect law, they must believe that the law is legitimate and feel that law was proclaimed with their consent – consent which is gained through election. Citizens elect their representatives to enact laws that the electorate can be expected to obey.  Therefore to pivot the current trajectory away from possible anarchism, a clear path towards a free, fair and competitive election must be put forward. This will help avoid a crisis by, first, providing the masses with an opportunity to look forward to participating in the political process. This conveys a message that the lawlessness and economic hardships are temporary problems that will last only until a new social contract is reached through election. Secondly, preparation for an election will help channel the energy of the restless and desperate youth into participating the political process that holds out hope of a better future. In the last four years, the youth have been trained and mobilized on tactics to sabotage the authoritarian state and dismantle its structures. Now they have to be oriented to building a democratic system. Empowering them to participate in the political process by organizing them into a political force will allow them to direct their energy and also enables the elites of both the ruling and opposition parties to guide them. This will allow other non state actors to provide structure for the youth in party discipline until the rule of law is adopted following the election.

Therefore, it is in the best interest of the ruling party, the opposition, the activist community and other non state actors to push for the development of a clear path towards democratization. As I have argued time and time again, the reformist faction of the ruling party cannot lead this transition alone. No matter how good the reform measures they may enact into law, it will lack legitimacy in the eyes of the masses as long as the opposition is not involved. Of particular importance at this time is the need to negotiate with the opposition on the rules, administration and the timetable of the election. Both sides need to reach a clear agreement and announce it to the public. Delaying discussion on the path to a free and fair election by being misled with the euphoric response to the reform steps that have been taken is a serious blunder that will cost us all.  Even worse, heading to the election season without a prior binding agreement on rule of the political competition (electoral law and administration) is inviting campaign chaos and post election violence.

Similarly, any attempt to postpone the election without the consent of the opposition will be another wrong approach with disastrous consequences. Lastly, the ruling party should know that staying in power by rigging the election is no longer an option. At least in Oromia, the Qeerroo will not allow it. As I mentioned earlier, as lawlessness spreads and economic crisis deepens, the reformists may be tempted to bring back the rule of guns to assert control. That will amount to committing a fateful mistake that will bring both them and the country down

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Tana is the largest lake in Ethiopia and from  Africa. The lake’s surface covers 1,418 square miles (3,673 square km), with a surrounding drainage of 4,500 square miles (11,650 square km); its maximum depth is 45 feet (14 metres).

The Lake contains many interesting and historic locations. Among them the islands of Birgida Maryam, Dega Estefanos, Dek, Narga, Tana Cherkos, Mitsele Fasilidas, Kebran, and Debre Maryam islands are the main ones.

Currently, the lake is suffering from somany manmade and natural threats. Among the threats,  the water hyacinth is the major one which covers around 25,000 ha of the Lake.  The global coalition for Lake Tana restoration is working with different stakeholders to eradicate the water hyacinth problem from the lake. In doing so, they were conducting a fundraising campaign in different part of America, Australia and Middle east and buy water hyacinth harvesting machine.

On June 23, 2018, the London organizing committee  scheduled a fundraising program at 24 haverstock hill chalk farm, London NW3,2BQ. In this event, Artist Yehunie Belay and Mesfin Bekele including other artists from London will perform  on the program. Artist Yehunie belay was credited for his single  song ” ሆ”በል ወገኔ“ about Lake Tana problem. He performed in different fundraising programs of lake tana mainly in seattle and washington DC.

Tigist Negussu had an interview with Artist Yehunie Balay and Mesfen Bekele about the program and they convey their message to all ethiopians living in Great Britain. Here is the link of the message:

The post Message from Artist Yehunie Belay and Artist Mesfen bekele about “ጤና ለጣና London”: Update appeared first on Bawza NewsPaper.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are that of the writers’ and do not reflect the editorial of Addis Standard.

Yohannes Ayalew and Dejen Messele
for Addis Standard

1. The Ethio-Eritrea conflict: W(h)ither Badme ?

The Ethio-Eritrea conflict marked the 20 year anniversary on May 2018 though it is in the sulk of no-peace-no war. (see here, and here) After the aftermath of the war, the belligerents were moved to the Hague for an international arbitration. This piece does not delve into the causes-consequences analysis of the conflict nor verifying to whom Badme belongs to rather it aims to shed some light on the recent move of Ethiopia— ceding the flash-point of the conflict—Badme, to Eritrea.

hus, the writers want to unravel how ceding Badme would ease bilateral tensions, and break the sanction(ed) discourse over the question of Assab. In doing so, we would unpack whether Ethiopia (re)write the governing narratives over the question of Assab or end up with déjà vu state of play. Drawing on the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the case between Bolivia v. Chile in 2015, we would like to offer some wayouts on how the obligation to negotiate in good faith  over contested seas under international law workout in claiming Assab.

2.     The Road to Algiers:  a legal cul-de-sac?

Right after the culmination of the bloody war, Ethiopia and Eritrea have reaffirmed the OAU’s framework agreement which has been endorsed by the then Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU as held in Algiers, Algeria, from 12 to 14 July 1999. The Parties have agreed a six provisions  peace deal on the 12^th of December 2000 also  called the ‘Algiers Peace Agremeent.’

Turning into the Algiers agreement, we detect the (in)aptness of Ethiopia’s decision in opting out the peace deal to settle the boundary dispute with Eritrea after the devastating war that (from May 1998 to July 2000) claimed at least 70,000 to 80,000 lives and wrought colossal destruction in both countries.(see here, here and here) Were there compelling circumstances which push Ethiopia to sign the Algiers Peace Agreement and were the contents of the Algiers Agreement crafted in a way to preserve Ethiopia’s national interest?  These questions have been raised at the negotiation phase of the Algiers peace agreement as well as during public opinions after the controversial  pronouncement of the Boundary Commission arbitral award, which made the Badme  as an Eritrean territory.[1] Losing Badmethrough the decision of the Boundary Commission is taken as a disgrace to Ethiopian youths who have given their lives for their sovereign country.[2]  How could a country who won the battle lose its territory through the arbitration? This has become a baffling question of Ethiopian people till today.

Succinctly,  the Algiers agreement is a controversial deal on the following grounds. First, there was no compelling circumstances which forced Ethiopia to conclude the peace deal over the boundary issues since it has re-occupied its territory through  military victory. Installing such a steadfast Boundary Commission for resolving  a territory which once became in the hands of the victorious State was never justified on the side of Ethiopia. This solution was comprehended as a major mistake, from which virtually all subsequent problems were seen to emanate by many observers, and certainly by the Ethiopian public at large.

Second, instead of establishing a Boundary Commission—working under the auspices of the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), the ICJ could have been proper venue to settle both the boundary dispute and claims associated with the armed conflict.

Third, the Algiers Peace Agreement was crafted to the detriment of Ethiopia as it revitalized the dead-colonial treaties to govern the boundary claims between the two countries. The colonial agreements have been officially declared null and void specially when Eritrea was a confederate, which later became a territorial part of Ethiopia during the reign of Emperor Hailesilassie. It was an inexcusable mistake committed by the Ethiopian government while it agreed to settle its boundary dispute based on the 1900, 1902 and 1908 colonial treaties.

Fourth, the Boundary Commission was barred from making decisions on the basis of ex aequo et bono, a decision on the basis of ‘what is right and just.’[3] Such exclusion resulted in the dependency of the Commission only on the colonial treaties and maps delineated by the colonial powers to decide the whereabouts of Badme, and in turn, limited the Commission to embrace a nuanced interpretation of laws.

Fifth, there could have been an opportunity to rectify the arbitral award had the parties not been agreed on the finality of decisions given by the Boundary Commission. In other words, Parties have inserted a clause that outlaws an appeal and accepted the decision as “final and binding”. Due to such agreements Ethiopia’s attempt to correct its mistakes has unfortunately failed. The final problem is related to representatives’ mala fide in providing evidence to support the claim of Ethiopia over Badme. As the decision of the Commission reveals Ethiopian delegates did not provide relevant documentary evidence to oppose Eritrea’s claim over Badme. Overall, Ethiopia’s footpath to Algiers was a legal cul-de-sac and historic clanger committed on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Country.

3.     Ceding Badme to Eritrea: Abiy’s epic or villain move?

Despite the prior mistakes committed by the ruling party—EPRDF while opting for the Algiers path to settle the boundary dispute, the Ethio-Eritrea Boundary Commission (EEBC) has passed its arbitral award within the mandate vested in it. Among other things, the commission renders the contested Badme  to Eritrea. In April 13,2002, Ethiopian officials heralded in the victory both at the battlefield and Court room, though it was a bizarre move. Due to the symbolic significance, the Ethiopian government has refused the implementation of the decision for about 16 years. Since then Ethiopia and Eritrea are in the state of no peace no war status.

Now, the newly appointed prime minister of Ethiopia pushed the executive committee of the ruling party, EPRDF, to implement the arbitral award of EEBC to show compliance with the Algiers Agreement and to normalize peace between the two countries. This decision ultimately is a defacto path to handover Badme to Eritrea. The chief of Staff of the PM office, Fitsum Arega , in his official Twitter page wrote as  “Our gov’t is expected to take a new initiative to address the stalemate.”

The decision of the ExeComm of EPRDF  and the position of the new primer received mixed reactions from the elites and the public. Those who support the decision of the ruling party to implement the award  avowed that – to have a perpetual peace between and among the peoples of the two countries,  the decision taken by the ruling party is taken as an epic success. They added that as the premier expressed his determination to create a lasting peace with Eritrea in his acceptance speech before the Ethiopian Parliament, his decision is taken as a practical (re) affirmation of his words.

Critics said  that the Algiers Agreement is a peace deal made without the consultation of Ethiopian peoples. They instead opted the continuance of the deadlocked relationship between the two countries. The writers  argue that although at odds with the ruling party’s faulty stride  to settle the dispute via an arbitration, the current move of the premier would rewrite the narrative of sanctioned discourse over many issues, including the Assab question. Thus, Abiy’s move is an unprecedented compared to EPRDF’s longer defiance to the arbitral award of the boundary commission. His position in handing over Badmeto Eritrea would, however, be judged on the benefits that Ethiopia will earn reciprocally. Indeed, ceding Badme apparently seems a bargaining chip for Ethiopia. Besides, in early June 2018, the Ethiopian government has announced to modernize the national navy and build modern army, which in turn resonates, access to the sea and ports would be inevitable. As such, ceding Badme to Eritrea might open a room for negotiation on unsettled issues, inter alia, the question of Assab.

4.     Ethiopia’s Right to Access the Sea under International Law

Drawing on Yacob Hailemariam findings on ‘The question of Assab’,[4] Ethiopia’s hope to claim Assab is so somber but not moot altogether. As the scope of the piece restricted us to make a detailed analysis on how to reclaim Assab, we have offered few way outs. First, economic integration could be one possible way out. Indeed, if two countries, once again, managed to go for a free trade area, a customs union, a common market, an economic union, or a complete economic integration, then things would be laid-back. Aside to that, the recent Kigali Declaration on the African Continental Free Trade Area may  signal that the two countries would (re)approach inter se. Given the previous experience of (re) union, and being emerging economies, this scenario would be hard to bear fruit forthwith. Second, prior to the war with Eritrea, the UN General Assembly affirmed Ethiopia’s access to sea rights in its Resolution 289(IV) 1949. Third, a holistic approach of the doctrine of Uti Possidetis juris[5] (keep what you had) and the principle of self-determination the Afar People living in  the Red Sea would be used to defend sovereign access to the sea.[6]

Finally, on the basis of the recent  ICJ jurisprudence in Bolivia v. Chile case, the obligation to negotiate in good faith under international law could best served in the matter of Ethiopia and Eritrea too.

Ed’s Note: *Yohannes  Ayalew  is an  NFP Fellow at TLS, Faculty of Law, University of Groningen, The Netherlands. Email: eneyewyohannes@gmail.com

Dejen Messele is a Lecturer of Law at School of Law, Wollo University, Ethiopia. Email: engochayemane@gmail.com

Endnote:

[1]     Lantera N.Anebo, Assessing The Efficacy of African Boundary Delineation Law and Policy: The Case of Ethio–Eritrea Boundary Dispute Settlement, (GGU, SJD Doctoral Thesis, 2016) p.336

[2]     Leenco Lata, The Ethiopia-Eritrea War, 30:97 Review of  African Political Economy   (2003) p.384

[3]    Agreement Between the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia And the Government of the State of Eritrea,done at Algiers, Algeria on the [12th] day of December, 2000, Article 4(2)

[4]   ያዕቆብ ኃ/ማርያም (ዶ/ር) : አሰብ የማን ናት? 2005

[5]   Bereket Habte Selassie, Self-Determination in Principle and Practice: The Ethiopian –Eritrean Experience,   29Colombia Human Rights Law Review 91, (1997-1998) p.117

[6]     Abebe Tekelehaymanot., “Ethiopia’s Sovereign Right of Access to the Sea under International Law” (2007). LLM Theses and Essays. Paper 81.p.73

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(The arab weekly): For many Egyptians, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is the most serious threat facing the country.

Egypt and Ethiopia have agreed to forge stronger cooperation but critics say the lack of a signed agreement committing Addis Ababa to protecting Egypt’s share of Nile waters could prove a sticking point.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, speaking at a news conference June 10 with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, announced a deal had been reached to turn the Nile into a source of life and cooperation.

“We agreed to work together to remove all hindrances, including on the road to reaching a final agreement that secures Egypt’s unquestionable right to its share of the water of the Nile,” Sisi said.

For many Egyptians, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is the most serious threat facing the country. The dam will significantly reduce the amount of water reaching Egypt, potentially devastating agriculture, threaten Egypt’s food security, force it to spend money on expensive seawater desalination and sewage treatment plants and cancel agricultural expansion plans.

Negotiations between Egypt and Ethiopia over the past seven years to address the effects of the dam failed to produce concrete solutions. In May, however, a nine-member committee from Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan approved, in principle, a preliminary report on the technical effects of the dam on Egypt and Sudan.

Sisi said that approval needed to be translated into a written document that protects Egypt’s annual water share of 55.5 billion cubic metres.

Sisi, however, apparently could not convince Ahmed to formally sign a deal and instead asked him at the news conference to swear that Ethiopia would not harm Egypt’s water interests.

“Repeat after me,” Sisi said to Ahmed in Arabic, “I swear by Allah that we will not do anything that harms Egypt’s water share.” A smiling Ahmed swore the oath but analysts said that Sisi’s insistence on a public oath underscores the limited options available to Cairo regarding the dam.

“Such an oath has no value under international law, meaning that Egypt cannot hold Ethiopia accountable in case the dam harms the country’s water interests,” said Ayman Salama, a professor of international law at Cairo University. “Egypt is badly in need of a written document to protect its water share.”

Addis Ababa is placing major hopes that the GERD will improve the country’s economic conditions through sale of energy produced by the hydro-electric dam to neighbouring countries, transactions that could generate millions of dollars in revenues every year.

The dam will also, Addis Ababa said, protect large parts of Ethiopia against drought by storing as much as 74 billion cubic metres of water that previously would have ended up in downstream countries Sudan and Egypt. This dam reservoir storage area is at the centre of the dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia.

“The storage capacity and the design of the dam are made to cause harm to Egypt,” said Egyptian water expert Hossam Reda. “The problem is that the dam construction has reached the stage where it is an irreversible fact on the ground.”

Egypt’s hope is to mitigate the effects of the dam. This, experts said, can only be achieved by convincing Ethiopia to agree to the filling of the reservoir over eight or ten years, instead of the planned three.

Cairo has tried to turn the GERD dispute into an opportunity for cooperation.

Sisi described relations with Ethiopia as “strategic” and said his administration turned mending fences with Ethiopia into a top priority in the past four years.

He agreed with Ahmed to take measures to expand cooperation, including by establishing an Egyptian industrial zone in Ethiopia, increasing agricultural cooperation and importing Ethiopian meat.

Sisi agreed with Ahmed to establish a joint fund for infrastructure projects in Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan.

It is suspected that the fund could be used in Egypt to financially compensate Ethiopia should it agree to increase the period filling the GERD reservoir.

Ahmed vowed to work with Sisi to increase its Nile water share. However, with no signed document, there can be no guarantees.

“I assure Egyptians that nothing will stop their share of Nile water from reaching their country,” Ahmed said. “We want to have cooperation that benefits both Egypt and Ethiopia.”

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The release of the ONLF leaders and the others by the New Prime Minister is a positive step in the right direction

The ONLF Press Release
17 June, 2018

The Ethiopia’s government lead by the new PM has yesterday released eight some of key ONLF’s political leaders and officers, whose freedom it deprived years ago. These leaders were part of thousands of Ogaden Somalis detained whilst fighting the right of their people to self-determination. These heroes paid an ultimate price for their people as they languish for a period of time in various substandard detention centres under torture and the other appalling conditions. Their selfilsess sacrifices for their people won’t be forgotten for generations to come.

Although releasing them is a positive step in the right direction, still millions of Somali people are in open prison while, thousands are languishing in both official and undisclosed detention centres in Ogaden. Around two thousand who were released recently from the infamous jail Ogaden, were sent to quasi-slave labour camp under the disguise of rehabilitating them and forced to till land taken from the local people along the Shabelle river. The ONLF advises that the new Ethiopain government lead by Dr Abiy Ahmend speeds up the release of all prisoners of conscious whose freedom is denied; and stop any further abuses in Ogaden and Ethiopia.

Furthermore, the ONLF believes that as a new leader, the new prime minister has an opportunity to turn a new chapter by genuinely and seriously addressing the core issues that are the source of conflict and inestimable suffering that befell all corners of Horn of Africa with Ogaden and Eritrea as the Epicentre since the Second World War.

The only means through winch genuine and sustainable peace and security could be achieved is by mathematically recognising the rights of all nations to unfettered self-determination and genuine democracy in the Ethiopian Empire state. Moreover, the Ethiopian state must change the culture of violence in dealing with genuine demands of all peoples under its rule and its neighbours.

The ONLF is always open to genuine dialogue that is based on mutual respect and principled negotiation that adheres to internationally accepted norms and genuine desire to reach a win -win solution which is meant to seriously address the rightful demands of the Somali people in Ogaden, instead of attempting to achieve quick fixes for a problem that existed for almost a century, where many lives were lost on all sides.

Finally, the ONLF strongly believes that the multi-faceted conflict in Ethiopia only can be solved through the genuine participation of all stakeholders and that none shall be left out, including neighbouring countries that are affected. Similarly, if the International community involvement is to bear positive results, it must engage all stakeholders, instead of conveniently being selective and ignoring the multitude who bears the cost of the perennial conflict in Ethiopia

The Ethiopian people shall Genuine Democracy and peace.

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Tamrat was born in 1971 and grew up in Hwassa, Ethiopia. Later on he made his residence first in Dire Dawa, and recently in Addis Ababa. He is survived by his wife and five children. Among well-known songs by Tamrat Desta are “Alhedem” “Lemen Yelegnm Alshi” “Selina” “Deju” “Anileyahim,” “Hakime Nesh,” “Beredo Bete,” and “Egnan New Mayet.”

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(AP): These are not ordinary times in Ethiopia. Sweeping changes that seemed unthinkable just weeks ago have been announced almost daily since a new prime minister, Africa’s youngest head of government, took office and vowed to bring months of deadly protests to an end.

From the surprise acceptance of a peace agreement with bitter rival Eritrea, to the opening of major state-owned sectors to private investment, plus the release of thousands of prisoners including opposition figures once sentenced to death, the 42-year-old Abiy Ahmed has kept Africa’s second most populous country buzzing.

“The people have the full right to criticize its servants, to elect them, and to interrogate them. Government is a servant of the people,” he said in his inaugural speech in early April. It was unusual talk considering his military background, and he quickly found enthusiastic crowds as he toured the country.

Abiy has been called “Prime Minister Bolt” for the sprinter-like pace of reforms. Some Ethiopians say it’s hardly possible to comprehend a single day’s events.

On Tuesday alone, Parliament kicked off by lifting the state of emergency imposed in response to the protests demanding greater freedoms that began more than two years ago. It marked the most dramatic change yet under Abiy’s rule.

By nightfall there was bigger news: the prospect of peace with neighboring Eritrea after nearly two decades of border skirmishes and a two-year war.

Almost as an afterthought came word that Ethiopia, one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, was opening state-owned enterprises in aviation, telecommunications and more to foreign investment or outright privatization. That opens the door for stakes in globally successful Ethiopian Airlines and Africa’s largest telecom company by subscribers, Ethio Telecom.

“Now I need to take an umbrella when I get into a shower so that I can grab my phone and follow these rounds of breaking news items,” joked one Ethiopian, Firew Megersa, on Facebook.

The new prime minister has dined with opposition leaders, named new army and intelligence chiefs and suggested that his own position should have term limits. He’s visited Saudi Arabia and secured promises that thousands of Ethiopians detained as illegal migrants would be released. He’s made new port agreements with neighbors along one of the world’s busiest shopping lanes.

In a colorful sign of his ambitions, Abiy even hinted that landlocked Ethiopia would revive its navy.

Citizens of the East African nation where the government once shut off social media to dampen criticism now find themselves expressing opinions without fear. The return of stability to a key Western security ally in a region with turbulent neighbors like Somalia and South Sudan has some breathing more easily.

Despite the whirlwind of change, many wonder just how far reforms can go in a country where the ruling coalition still holds every seat in Parliament and opposition has been punished.

“The language the prime minister is using is very conducive for coming closer, to listen to each other. But for an actual political engagement in the country you need a number of practical things to happen,” said Andargachew Tsige, an Ethiopia-born Briton and opposition leader who was snatched by Ethiopian intelligence agents in Yemen in 2014 and sent to death row.

Andargachew’s freedom last month, along with the release of a photo showing him and Abiy in the prime minister’s office, captivated many Ethiopians.

Despite his turn of fortune, Andargachew told The Associated Press: “We need to see on-the-ground concrete measures, not only releasing political prisoners, not only making good speeches.” Ethiopia needs independent institutions, he said.

While Abiy’s rise to power has led to a dramatic decrease in protests, critics say what he has done so far is simply “putting out fires.”

“Up until now I haven’t seen any policy direction from the new leader on how to solve Ethiopia’s chronic problems, like setting up an equal, competing space for all political parties and directions regarding the country’s macro- and microeconomic path,” said opposition politician Yilikal Getnet. Ethiopia suffers from massive debt and faces an acute foreign exchange crisis after exports fell short of targets.

Even the new prime minister’s popularity could turn out to be risky in a country with a history of long-ruling authoritarian leaders, Yilikal said.

“I agree his speeches are conciliatory but at the same time I see a tendency of slipping back into dictatorship, with both state and private media delving into creating a cult of personality around the new leader,” Yilikal said.

For now, some observers once alarmed by Ethiopia’s unrest have started to soften their tone.

“We are encouraged by recent developments,” said U.S. Embassy spokesman Nick Barnett, adding the U.S. is ready to support all efforts to build a “more representative political system.” Ravina Shamdasani, spokeswoman for the U.N. human rights office, said she had witnessed “tremendous hope” among civil society activists, traditional leaders and others.

The new prime minister “can’t change every individual’s life, but he is setting up the ground for changes to happen and create a national consensus among all Ethiopians,” said Seyoum Teshome, a prominent blogger who was arrested twice under the state of emergency.

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by Addis standard

At 37, Dessalegn Chanie Dagnew (Ph.D.) is the President of the newly founded National Movement of Amhara (NaMA) party. Currently, he is working as an Assistant Professor of Hydrology & Water Resource Management at Bahir Dar University (BDU) and is the Vice Director of the Institute of Disaster Risk Management and Food Security Studies of BDU. He has received his PhD from a joint PhD program of the School of Civil and Water Resources Engineering of BDU and Cornell University, a Master’s degree from Cornell University, NY, USA (Integrated Water Resource Management), Bachelor of Arts Degree in Economics (BDU) and Bachelor of Education in History minoring Geography (BDU). Addis Standard interviewed Dessalegn on the establishment of NaMA, the debate surrounding its establishment, its challenges and opportunities. Excerpts:

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Addis Standard (AS): Tell us how much you have prepared to establish NaMA and why you thought it was important?

Over the past 6 months, we have made enough preparations to establish the National Movement of Amhara (NaMA). Preparation of the party program, rules and regulations, framing our goals, ideological and strategic issues, organizational structure, party discipline and related guidelines, [among others]. Moreover, recruiting over 1500 founding members from five regions, pre-congress consultations, [and] preparations for the founding congress were also held before the deliberations of the founding congress. All these required us a lot of preparation, time, effort and resources.

The realization of NaMA is a great breakthrough and an important step in the struggle of the Amhara people for equality, socio-economic and political justice and above all the respect of God given rights of the Amhara people: the right to its basic existence and dignity. The establishment of NaMA is important because the Amhara people have been eagerly waiting for a genuine Amhara party; a party that truly represents the aspirations, interests, rights and its national interests. NaMA is expected to be a guardian of the fully fledged Amhara Nationalism and the “Amhara Questions”. Our party will strive to stay up to the expectations of the Amhara people.

AS: But there is a mixed reaction to the establishment of NaMA. Some reactions have dismissed it and others have supported it. Why do you think are people divided about it?

Right, there is a mixed reaction from friends and foe. Our people received the news of the birth of NaMA with great enthusiasm, excitement and hope. There is so much cheers and applause by the Amhara youth, scholars, elites, businessmen, the Amhara diaspora and every section of our society, for this historic development. This is not due to the strength of our party, but because our people felt that it has been left without a genuine political representation. On the other hand, there are two distinct groups that either vehemently dismissed NaMA or raised some sort of concerns over an ethnic based party of Amhara.

Those who dismissed NaMA have gone up to labeling our party as a militant group and a danger to the constitutional order and the federation. These people are the detractors of Amhara Nationalism and have proved themselves as adversaries of our people; they never shy away from opposing and belittling anything that is of Amhara. Most of them have a general hate and Anti-Amhara sentiments; their judgement and smear campaigns are derived by the fear and hate they have to the Amhara ethnic group. Alas, most of them are either members or sympathizers of a narrow ethno-nationalist party, which are purely anti-Amhara. These groups were behind the continued war of words and propaganda attack that has been launched against the people of Amhara over the years.

Some people, however, firmly believe that ethno-nationalist parties are not a solution to Ethiopia’s multi-faceted political problems. This group raise concerns for NaMA because most of them consider our move as a retreat from Ethiopianism and Ethiopian values. They think that Amhara nationalism is a treat to a national unity. Truth be told, Amhara Nationalism has and will never be a treat to Ethiopia and the unity of our beloved country. Unlike some other nationalist movements that set out a defined enemy from the beginning (Amhara people), Amhara nationalism and NaMA has no people labeled as an enemy. The enemy of our people are political views, institutions, parties and individuals who have been busy, over the past decades, spreading hate and hate crimes against the innocent people of Amhara. Such groups have committed unspeakable horror and crimes against our people. As they do not want to see the Amhara stand up against all sorts of injustice and discrimination, they out rightly dismissed our movement. They are afraid of the repercussions from their past crimes. However, the quest of our people has been not revenge but an end to their animosity.
AS: In your risk assessment, how do you see the impacts of these negative responses on your day to day activity as a newly formed political party?

From the very beginning, we expected such responses and reactions. As every risk has its own opportunities, we consider these negative responses as reminder to be more careful and focused, to deny our adversaries a pretext for their blames, blatant allegations and name-calling. This as an opportunity to strengthen ourselves and focus on the greater cause and the goal of our struggle; reversing the existential threat that the Amhara has faced. Their outrage and lies are just a noises and cannot stop or distract us from our destiny.

AS: Staying in that course, some of the criticisms came from people who hold a significant support for the proper representation of the Amhara people within the Ethiopian body politic. Does this present you or any of the senior leadership within NaMA with some sort of dilemma? How do you plan to address that?

I do not agree with your assertion that some of the people who hold a significant support for the proper representation of the Amhara are our critics. If there are such instances, we hope that they are rare and cannot create damage to our movement. However, whoever criticizes, we will critically examine the criticism and comments forwarded and look for something constructive to improve our organization. However, these criticisms cannot present a dilemma to any of the senior leadership of NaMA. Be it our friends or foe, we are open to any constructive criticisms and suggestion. We will also work with any group or individuals interested in Amhara causes. We do not have a luxury and time for division and dialogue over the courses and approaches of the Amhara struggle. We would rather be forward looking, search for common grounds, and collaborate with anyone that is Amhara and stand for the national advancement of the Amhara people.

AS: One of the reasons that you raised while discussing the need to establish NaMA during your acceptance speech in Bahir Dar was the lack of proper representation and political marginalization of the Amhara people, because of, to paraphrase your own argument, a repressive narrative that the Amhara people are wrongly portrayed as oppressive ruling class. How exactly do you plan to address that through the establishment of NaMA given that it is a war of the narrative?

The narrative that wrongly portrayed the Amhara as an oppressor ruling class has been done through a systematic and designed manner, over the past 27+ years. The chief architect of this dubious allegation is the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). This narrative was latter institutionalized with the ratification of the constitution of the FDRE. The constitution in the preamble and in some of its articles reaffirms this same narrative, and made the accusation “constitutional”. We plan to address this through our struggle such as counteracting the widely circulated propaganda through all media outlets, party briefs, awareness creation and indoctrination. More importantly, we will urge the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali to make constitutional amendments and corrective actions such as an open apology for the people of Amhara.

AS: Will your party be supporting some Ethiopians who do not agree with the current constitution and are calling for it to be replaced?

We support the idea that the constitution needs either substantial amendment or replacement by a more progressive one. However, failure to fully implement and respect the constitution, which is the supreme law of the land, was one of the limiting factors for the democratization of Ethiopia. TPLF and its subordinates have been above the law and the constitution.

AS: Do you think what gave a push for the establishment of your party is, as some people say, the growing trend of Amhara nationalism?

The Amhara people have been fighting dictators and repressive regimes from the very beginning and have paid immense prices, in [the] fight for a democratic Ethiopia. In the past 27 years, our people have been resisting TPLF’s ethnic domination such as the annexation of its fertile and historic territories, forceful displacement and social engineering, mass imprisonment and killing, inhumane treatment, socio-economic and political marginalization. This resistance against the TPLF [dominated] EPRDF regime got momentum with the revival of Amhara nationalism over the past three years. The Wolqaite Amhara Question and Col. Demeke Zewdu’s heroic self-defense has served as the engine of Amhara Nationalism.

Our people are sick and tired of this repressive regime and are openly confronting and ululating for the inevitable change. We all can agree that Amhara nationalism has now reached at its height and needs a vanguard party at home. This party is expected to lead the struggle of our people in to victory. Moreover, since the passing of the late professor, our martyr professor Asrat Woldeyes – the Chairman of All Amhara Peoples Organization (AAPO), the Amhara people were without a genuine political party. Thus, our party is an attempt to fill this gap, but can also be viewed as a child of the Amhara nationalism/Amhara resistance.

AS: Then what is your party’s view of the concept of “nationalism” itself given the current political dispensation in the country?

During the transitional government and the formation of the FDRE, the Amhara people were not represented. Their interests and aspirations were not included, which created the alienation and sense of exclusion from the federation. Thus, Amhara nationalism is basically an endeavor to reverse these past mistakes and try to bring the interests of our people on to the negotiating table. By doing so, the people of Amhara can engage in disciplined bargaining, with other nations and nationalities of Ethiopia and try to protect its interests. By doing so, the Amhara nationalism will protect the interest of the Amhara and at the same time end the long lasting marginalization of Amhara. This in turn is in the interest of Ethiopia’s stability, security and national unity; a genuine federation based on respect of one another. In this matter, nationalism can be viewed as a tactical move to organize our people, and try to abide by the rules of the game. It’s a means to our threatened existence and protection of our interests.

AS: How do you see the role of your party vis a vis that of the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), which is part of the ruling EPRDF, in terms of advancing the cause of the Amhara people? Is that one of complimentary or competitive? Along with that, do you think NaMA will be ready to take part in the next general elections?

The role of NaMA will definitely be safeguarding the Amhara people in every way. In that respect, our role Vis a VisANDM will definitely be both complimentary and competitive. It will be competitive if ANDM is committed to working for the Amhara people, unlike the bad old days when the party was serving as a surrogate for TPLF. In principle, we would love to work with any one, which truly represents Amhara interests. However, competition is also an inevitable phenomena. The change within the ANDM is so sluggish that it’s unlikely to meet the expectations of the growing political demands of our people. In that case, NaMA will definitely compete and chase away ANDM from power and make our people the owner of sovereign authority.

In principle, we will take part in the upcoming 2012. However, the final decision to participate will be based on detail assessment of the reforms to the electoral board, the justice system, media and political landscape of the country, which we shall see it in due course.

AS: What would you like to sat to those Ethiopians who sympathize with the plight of the Amhara people and yet express reservations about the formation of NaMA on the basis that it is an ethnic centered political party?

Our message to our Ethiopian brothers and sisters, to the Ethiopian people and friends of the Amhara people who sympathize with the plight of the Amhara is loud and clear. The move to establish NaMA is not to destabilize Ethiopia or distance ourselves from Ethiopians. Rather, it is a tactical move to end the political advantage that has been taken from the Amhara by ethnic minorities. Everyone was taking advantage of our tactical fault to stand as a pro-unity at the expense of our Amhara identity. This [our new] tactical move will definitely unite the Amhara, protect itself from any eminent existential danger. Gradually, a strong Amhara will contribute to the Ethiopian project, which should be viewed as the project of every Ethiopian, not the sole business of the Amhara, as it was wrongly portrayed by our adversaries.

AS: Finally, tell us about the Ethiopia you would like to see in the near future and the role of your party?

I would like to see Ethiopia free from TPLF/EPRDF repressive regime, where the mass incarceration, torture, widespread killing, forced displacement, socio-economic marginalization of Amhara and other Ethiopians is over once and for all. Also I would like to see an Ethiopia where Amhara is treated as a brother, not as an oppressor by our fellow citizens.

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